Since November 2024, Serbia has been the scene of massive protests. Students, citizens, workers, and civil society activists have filled the streets to demand accountability, transparency, and justice.
An engineering disaster – the collapse of the roof of a railway station in Novi Sad that left 15 dead – served as a catalyst for revolt, which spread to dozens of cities, including Belgrade.
In Albania, meanwhile, similar protests seem to fade away without ever crystallizing into a sustainable movement. Despite the various situations and events that have sparked revolts over the past decade, there has been a lack of a spark capable of igniting or keeping the protests alive for long.
Some blame the strength of government power, others the opposition's inertia and the lack of inspiring alternatives.
History shows that the political system changed in Albania after the center of Tirana was filled with thousands of citizens who toppled the statue of dictator Hoxha on February 20, 1991. But today, about 35 years later, the center retains no memory of that event and is rarely used for political demonstrations.
At first glance, it seems as if the squares are no longer spaces for protest and resistance as is happening in neighboring countries.
The square as a controlled scenography
Skanderbeg Square today resembles a large slab of tiles, where due to the slopes it is difficult to organize events, let alone protests.
Generally, events occupy the sides of the square where scaffolding or logistics are not at risk of collapsing, while even for the government itself, the electoral organizations in the center have not resulted with the same brilliance as before.
Architect and activist Migen Qiraxhi tells Citizens.al that this type of urban transformation is not "innocent"For him, the approach followed with development over the last decade has given spaces in general a more scenographic aspect than vital for citizens.
"The squares are now for photography, not for living. They are used for controlled events, not for debate and civic participation," says Qiraxhi, who works as a project coordinator at the organization "Civic Stability".
He calls this process "architecture of civic discouragement"The bigger and more spectacular the square, the harder it is to feel the massiveness of the protest.
"The 2018 student protest seemed massive on Kavaja Street and provided motivation; however, the same protest, when moved to the square and boulevard, was demotivating, as the relations of mass to space were reversed," recalls the Tenant.
"On the other hand, Skanderbeg Square is not even illuminated to provide an agora for citizens during the hours without sunlight," he adds.
According to Qiraxhi, the government in Tirana has learned to take the form of the protesting citizen. He recalls here the cases when, in order to discourage the student protests of December 2018, Prime Minister Rama organized meetings with them and appeared with the thesis "I'm a student too, when will we talk?!".
For Qiraxhi, the same approach was seen in 2013 in the protest against the plan to dismantle the chemical weapons of the Syrian regime of Bashar al-Assad in Albania.
"Just like Vučić in Belgrade tries to appropriate the demands of the citizens. It is a tactic to neutralize the confrontation," he analyzes.
Protests moved to social media
Faced with such an approach to urban, but also social, development, where economic and life dynamics have pushed towards a more pronounced individualism, popular revolt has been expressed mainly in digital spaces.
For Ivan Blažević, program manager at "European Fund for the Balkans", This shift from the square to social networks is part of a broader transformation.
"It is not a weakening, but a transformation of the way civic energy is expressed. Social networks have opened up new spaces for organization and solidarity, especially for young people and marginalized groups," he tells Citizens.al.
However, he warns of the risk of fragmentation as digital engagement is more immediate, but also more fragile.
“Digital space expands the radius of protest, but loses the shared physical experience that gives strength to movements,” Blažević emphasizes.
According to him, online protests cannot convey the shared moment of opposition. Therefore, the challenge lies in connecting the two forms of engagement so that digital mobilization is translated into real civic participation with concrete political impacts.
But, beyond these aspects, Blažević sees another worrying dimension, the normalization of authoritarianism, through the loss of public space as a political symbol.
“When squares become sterile, controlled, or commercialized, citizens lose the inclination to participate, to debate, and to hold power accountable. This erodes the essence of democracy,” says Blažević.
From the collective to the individual
In Albania, the lack of an ecosystem of civic organizing, weak universities, non-existent unions, and limited media coverage have led to protests being seen more as the outbreak of a revolt than a process of civic engagement.
“When citizens perceive the political system as corrupt or insensitive, protests become more of an expression of frustration than a strategic tool for change,” Blažević comments.
Qiraxhi, who with "Civic Resistance" has organized and participated in several civic protests, defines this as "revolt in the absence of institutions"He says that under these conditions, social networks have become the only refuge for public expression, but without real possibilities to translate it into political action.
In Serbia, the protests of 2024-2025 physically returned citizens to the streets and city centers, a symbolic and significant development for opposition and resistance to authority and abuses of power.
In Albania, meanwhile, citizens seem to be no different from tourists, who as visitors photograph the streets and squares, but do not own or use them politically.
Thus, if the square is the mirror of a democratic society, then what is missing in Tirana is not only the place and physical access, but also the very relationship of the citizen with the system, the government, and with each other.
“The loss of the square is a loss of democratic memory. Its return is essential to keeping democratic life itself alive in the Balkans,” Blažević emphasizes.
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Erblin Vukaj has completed his studies in “Communication Sciences” and further mastered (MSc) in “European and International Journalism” at the University of Tirana. Since 2012, Vukaj has been working as a professional journalist, gaining experience in online media, print media, radio and television. He has covered various issues such as current affairs, health, environment and sports. In parallel, he has led and been involved in several research projects on the communist past in Albania.
